Dehumanization in Slavery based on Accounts from Clotel

William Wells Brown warns us that slavery does not only victimize the weak and blacks. In his novel, he points out that â€Å"no one is safe† from slavery, whether â€Å"white or black† (Schweninger 23). In the face of this fact, it seem ironic that the country that is now called the â€Å"land of the free† and â€Å"home of the brave† was once a country where slaves were sold and treated almost with cold blood (Schweninger 23). Indeed, no one is safe, for even a president’s daughter has been sold to be a slave. What could be more painful than to be parted from your beloved and your daughter and be sold as a slave, knowing that your daughter would be treated as ill as a servant? This is the Calvary that Clotel had to bear as a slave, though she was, by popular lore, a daughter of the president. And if it were true that she was indeed a daughter of the president (Schweninger 28), would it not be more painful on her part, knowing that she was the daughter of the most powerful man in country, yet she had to be a slave and a concubine? The very thought of this situation dehumanizes Gods masterpiece. There is a rich literature about Brown’s novel, both digital and printed. Most of them bank on the cruelty of slavery. Articlemyriad. com reminds the readers that the novel is fiction, but description of slavery with all its vividness in the accounts of the characters’ lives is true. It can be well understood how something fictitious can capture the truth behind every word and expression. The writer himself was once a slave, and in fact, the first part of the novel is a biographical account of how he escaped slavery (Analysis and Themes 1). Hence, we see slavery, not in the eyes of someone who has just seen it, but someone who had been a slave, someone who had as firsthand experience of the dehumanizing treatment to slaves. It is not, however, the hard work that Brown resents, but the fact that humans, free or slave are not to be sold (Schweninger 22). At this juncture, it is important to focus more on the historicity of the accounts in the novel. As Articlemyriad. com points out, the novel is fiction, but the accounts are real. No president of the United States would have had a slave daughter, but the experiences of the characters in the novel, from the most â€Å"optimistic† to the most â€Å"pessimistic† were not products of imagination (Analysis and Themes 3). As Clotel became a mistress, and was sold, later tried to escape and then commit suicide in despair, Brown was showing a concrete example of what happened to slaves. It was not their fault to be born as mulatto or black or yellow skin, but they faced the discrimination and social prejudice and stereotyping. One example of this stereotyping is stated in the website mentioned. Society does not frown upon the man who sits with his mulatto child upon his knee whilst its mother stands a slave behind his chair† (Brown 55). We can see from this statement that there is something bout being a mulatto child and a slave mother. A slave, though mother of the master’s child, remains to be a slave and does not seem to have the right to be wife, and only has the right to be a mistress, a whore. If a white were mother to child of a master, then the master would have to marry her in most cases, of the master would have to face suit, but slaves had no liberty to fight for their rights no matter how disgraced they have been. Though the article points out that the novel is fiction, it gives way to Brown’s claims that the novel is â€Å"no fiction† (Analysis and Themes 2), for it is â€Å"founded in truth† (Analysis and Themes 2). The truthfulness of accounts in the novel is what the other two articles by Schweninger and Giulla, although Giulla’s accounts are rather more focused on the language of the blacks. Schweninger puts forth that in as much as the events in the novel could have taken place to slaves; the accounts in the novel were not historically accurate as far as chronology of events is concerned. She mentions several inconsistencies in the chronology of events, one of which is the impossibility of Clotel’s birth in 1798 and â€Å"have her mother witness the 1842 burning when her daughter was only 16† (Schweninger 27). Therefore, according to Schweninger, the point of Brown is not to make a accurate historical account (although he told the readers that the novel is not fiction), but to stress the inhumane treatment to slaves, especially to African Americans and the mulatto. In fact, in the preface of the novel, Brown states â€Å"Were it not for persons in high places owning slaves†¦ Slavery would have long been abolished. (Schweninger iv). And who were these persons in high places? Brown identifies them as â€Å"professed Christians† who give the system (slavery) â€Å"a reputation† (Schweninger iv). Schweninger suggests that the â€Å"undercutting of the chronology of events stresses that it is not the chronology that is important in the no vel but the universality of the topic and slavery in any year or era would have been the same† (Schweninger iv). The people would have suffered just as much and the abusers would have abused the slaves just as much. And as Brown has said, slavery remained not condemned, because the people who had the power to stop it knew its evil but did not want to lose their slaves. They would be hurt in material loses. The battle cry of Brown is not for people to be freed from work. Everyone has to work, but no one deserves to be sold as a slave. Schweninger traces the story of Clotel to another popular lore called Child, where Clotel was originally named Rosalie. She attests that the story of Child was copied word for word except for some insertions by the Brown to express his political views (Schweninger 28). For instance, Scweninger narrates, when Clotel urged the master to move from one place to another, Brown inserted some statements that would highlight the anti-slavery theme of the novel. So, in the original text from Child, the line says â€Å"the slave mistress urged her master ‘to remove to France or England (Scweninger 64)†, but in the text of Brown, there is the insertion â€Å"where both her child would be free and where colour was not a crime (Brown 85). Horatio, the master responded to this suggesting her why not reamin her mistress even after he got married. To this, Brown added a text saying, â€Å"True, she was his slave; bones, and sinews had been purchased by his gold, yet she had the heart of a true woman† (Brown 112). Schweninger also points out that Brown inserted Clotel’s consideration of remaining as a mistress a criminal act (Schweninger 28). Another important matter about the novel is the choice of places to mention. Schweninger confirms the accuracy of the accounts in the place where Currer (Clote’s mother) was – Natchez (Schweninger 29). It was a place, according to Buckingham (from Schweninger 29) where gambling and all sorts of vices were rampant, but most especially, it was a place where people were cruel to slaves. Hence, it was also the site where a runaway slave was burned. Another place mentioned that can be noted for accuracy is Richmond, where Clotel’s daughter was sold. Richmond was, according to Marie Tyler-McGraw (in Schweninger 29) the center of slave trade. It was a powerful place, then, primarily because it was the center of slave brokerage. However, there was some mistake in Brown’s choice for the time when Clotel was caught in Richmond. According to Schweninger, Clotel could not have been caught during the time of the Turner uprising in 1831, because she was mentioning names of presidential candidates of 1839 (Schweninger 30). Yet, Schweninger argues that this â€Å"misplacement† is of no importance because what was being pointed out here was the she was accused of being a part of the uprising and that was why she was hiding in disguise (Schweninger 30. ). It clear here that Brown’s intention is to show that slaves, too, are humans, capable of upholding morality, and want to uphold morality. They want to do what is right and to be in a place where they can be free, but the people who hold them captives refuse to let them do what they believe is right. Slaves are capable of love and reason, but all that the people who own them see in them is flesh and blood, not human beings with a soul, heart and mind. They were treated as properties and not as members of the society. I believe it pays to go back to Brown’s own words that the institutionalization and rationalization of slavery stated with the people on top, so to stop slavery, then the â€Å"guilt† should be â€Å"fastened† to the people in the â€Å"higher circle† (Brown iv). When Horatio got married, his wife saw Clotel as a threat so she had her sold. She tried to escape by disguising herself many times. She so got caught by the slave hunters and later committed suicide. This is seen by Articlemyriad. om as the evidence of the idea that the novel does not present optimism or pessimism in whole (Analysis and Themes 1). There were optimistic moments such as those when she was able to escape, yet she still wound up dead by her own will. However, another critique sees the disguises done by Clotel in a different way. Berthold sees every change in costume as a representation of the adversities that Clotel had to face as a female slave (Berthold 19). Guilla argues that male s were connotative for slaves then, so any woman portrayed as a slave would be something new in literature. So, in Berthold’s explanations, he points out that each time Clotel changes costume, there was something to show about the society and something about her personality and slavery (Berthold 19), even making reference to Brown in the 1880 My Southern Home, â€Å"Extravagance in dress, is a great and growing evil with our people† (Brown 232). For instance, most of Clotel’s disguises were as a white male, just to get out of the situation she was in. It is shown here how people are also judged by their clothing, and so goes with the stereotyping, the gender roles and the power in the gender role. So, if we look into the disguises that Clotel had, she first disguised herself as Mr. Johnson, then as an Italian or Spanish. She actually faced more danger when she disguised herself because she was wearing the shoes of someone whose roles she was not familiar with. When she disguised as a Spanish or Italian, the tension must have been great for she had to speak Italian or Spanish if ever any Spanish or Italian spoke to her. It also, then put her life in danger. Yet, the dangerous attempt got her what she wanted. However, in the end, when she committed suicide, Berthold saw this as â€Å"undisguising† herself, one that ascertained freedom for her, for she died as herself, not as anyone else (Berthold 30). Giulla sees the arrangement of the plot as a product of the author’s effort to expose the life of a community of slaves and need â€Å"to structure the fictional text around the evolution of the individual fate (Guilla 639)† and in so doing, explain the shifts from romance to realism in a exhaustively detailed depiction of slavery and the made-up â€Å"re-unions of long lost relatives and lovers (Guilla 639). If we examine the novel, the members of the family were separated because they were sold to different masters and had different fates. They must have yearned to be with each other as a mother wants to be with her daughter and a daughter with her mother, but the cruelty of slavery kept them from being together, even to the point of their death. This brings us back t o the pessimistic ending that Articlemyriad is talking about. In fact, when one is a slave, what optimism can pone really expect, but a life of hard work and subhuman treatment unless, of course one meets an extraordinary master. But even in the case Clotel, she had romance with Horatio, but the man did not consider his affair with her as something valuable, for if he did, he would have agreed to take her to France or England. We now go back to what I said earlier that slaves were seen as flesh and blood but not as humans with soul and mind. Brown’s style in writing the novel presents and extraordinary mixture of fact and fiction. The story is based on a popular lore that the people then knew, yet he gave it a different touch that made the people understand what was going on. Instead of using male slaves as heroes in the story to enable them to engage in physical confrontations and rebellions, Brown used the female slave to show the beauty and morality behind the mulatto and blacks, that though they were slaves, they had good hearts, and they were good people capable of love and ion need of love, especially in need of love. A show of rebellion could have shown what the society would be if slavery continued, but that was something that was expected to happen (although he made a novel end with a civil war). Brown deemed it more important to show, not the violence that will rise if slavery does not stop, but the impact of slavery to the lives of the people who had been being treated as animals for decades and even centuries by people who profess that they are Christians. To this, it makes a reference to the situation when Clotel disguised herself as Spanish or Italian. These people are known for their devotion in Catholicism. Here, I want to point out that the people who profess that they love God are also the ones who have been showing cruelty to the weak. They were actually hypocrites in a time when religion was strictly followed. We can see from the accounts mentioned by Schweninger that Brown had good accounts in geographical locations, but seems to have had some problems with historical accuracy. However, whether he had problems with chronology of events or he intended them to be such to stress certain points (like in the case of Clotel’s capture during the Turner uprising), his work remains to be a living testament of what happened to the blacks and mulattos in the United States. His work remains to be a loud cry during his time, transcending the boundaries of time to portray the evils of slavery. After all that the blacks and mulattos have experienced, they only deserve to have a part in the land once said to be flowing with milk and honey. The land of opportunity belongs, not only to the whites but also the clacks, and their children. Clotel is a literary treasure, not only to the blacks, but also to the world. It is a legacy, which through it history-based narrative has shown the plight of people in a certain place at a certain point of time. It can be considered a dark age of history, but it is also proof that whenever there is something wrong, the right will also shine.

Enzymes in food production

Enzymes in food production BY csw29 Explain the use of enzymes in food production by means of examples. You must include the example of lactase. Enzymes are proteins that speed up the rate of chemical reactions (up to a million times) in living organisms. Acting as catalysts they are not consumed nor altered in the process of converting the specific set of reactants into specific products. In food production, enzymes are greatly appreciated by their accelerated effect in biochemical processes and are mostly used in what we know as fermentation.Humans have been using the process of fermentation for centuries. Fermentation consists of a chemical breakdown of any substance by the means of bacteria, yeast or other microorganisms. It has the added benefit of preserving our food longer. Here are a few well-known examples of fermentation processes. The Rennet is a natural enzyme mixture (found in calves' fourth stomach), in which the enzyme chymosin destroys the kappa casein protein.This al lows the milk to coagulate and to form the curd (solid separated from liquid). Another very old example of fermentation is the use of enzymes to transform grape Juice into wine. Preparations of enzymes (there are many such as: pectinase, cellulase, glucanase and glycosidase) are used in wine making to decompose grape pulp, break down skin cells and amplify and improve the fermentation process in general.Using enzymes also allows extracting more Juice out of the grapes as they destroy the pectin (present in the walls of grape cells). Pectinase (a structural heteropolysaccharide) is what prevents wine makers to get the full potential of must quality. Biotechnology is really Just inventing new ways to ameliorate these old processes of ermentation, by genetically modifying and optimizing microorganisms for the production of enzymes. Furthermore, this allows us to eliminate the reliance on livestock for these enzymes.However, while the microorganisms are genetically modified, the enzymes produced are identical to those found in nature. Enzymes are then utilized in order to make fermentation more efficient in making improvements to the quality of our food. For instance, enzymes are used in the manufacture of fruit juice, corn syrup, beer, cheese, yogurt, sausage and many other foods and drinks. As a matter of fact food producers use over 55 different enzymes to manufacture many finished foods present in our daily diets.

Bib 6 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Bib 6 - Essay Example According to the Acts, the Holy Spirit directed the Antioch Church to send out a missionary team, comprising of Barnabas and Paul (Act 13: 1-3) for the purpose of preaching the Gospel to the Jewish community and the Gentiles. It was around the 48AD that Paul and Barnabas led a commission from Antioch, Seleucia and travelled to the island of Cypress (Calmet 1832, p731). The group made various stops along the way in villages and settlements to preach the Gospel. As indicated in the map (Fig 1), the team made the way through Salomis and travelled through the area of Paphos. It was here that they met the Jewish sorcerer and false prophet with the name of Bar-Jesus. He was actually an attendant to the Governor Sergius Paulus. Paulus was an intelligent logical man and was interested in seeking the truth. When he summoned for Barnabas and Saul, Elymas the sorcerer intercepted and tried to steer Paulus away from them. Paul, with the power of the Holy Spirit, unveiled the truth about Elymas’s deceit and lies and stated that he would turn blind because of them. Paulus, hence, converted to Christianity. From Paphos and Cypress, the mission continued onwards to Perga in Pamphylia. This is where John left them to head for Jerusalem. Preaching and spreading the message of God, the mission travelled to the city of Antioch of Pisidia, and covered the towns of Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, further East (Acts 13:13-14:20). In Iconium, Paul went to the Jewish synagogue to an assembly of Jews and Gentiles and was so articulate in speech that a great many of the listeners converted; however, the Jews were specifically hostile and the evangelical strategy to preach in synagogues proved to be more cumbersome. Along the way, Paul and Barnabas faced life threats and stoning, were confused as the human form of God and had to persistently explain

Transistor level implementation of karaoke machine with 6 band graphic Essay - 1

Transistor level implementation of karaoke machine with 6 band graphic equalizer - Essay Example The project, entitled "Transistor Level Implementation of Karaoke Machine with six-band Graphic Equalizer," aims to develop a transistor-based, Karaoke-type amplifier that is able to run from the mains power supply and consists of the following elements: 1. a 12-V regulated power supply, 2. two inputs: a microphone and a line input, 3. a Common-emitter mixer/preamplifier stage, 4. a six-band graphic equalizer stage, 5. a Common-emitter voltage amplifier stage, 6. a Common-collector power amplifier stage, and, 7. a loudspeaker output; as indicated in the schematic diagram below. Figure 1. Project Schematic Diagram Circuit Design and Operation Power Supply Power supplies, as defined by Howard (1998), are electronic circuits, basically composed of four sections: transformer, rectifier, filter, and regulator, designed such that an input ac signal is converted to dc, at any desired level. Shown below is a block diagram of a basic power supply. Figure 2. Basic Power Supply Block Diagram Th e input line voltage is either stepped up or stepped down by the transformer, depending on the application; in this case, a step-down transformer, T1 rated at 9.5Vac (10.5Vac on actual testing), was used, giving a peak voltage of 14.84V (Vp = 10.5 x ?2), and allowing the device to run from the mains power supply. In addition to that, the power supply is being isolated by this section from the power line. The rectifier section, specifically a full-wave bridge rectifier D1, then converts the resulting signal, still ac, to a pulsating dc, which is made purer by a simple capacitor (C18) filter section, giving a dc hold capacitor peak voltage of 13.44V (Vp – 2(0.7) = 14.84 – 1.4). This leaves enough voltage overhead for the final section, the 12V-regulator IC1 (LM7812) that maintains output at a constant level of 12V and about 1.3A continuous, regardless of changes in load current and/or input line voltages. This configuration has minimum power loss, and negates the need fo r a heat sink on IC1. The capacitor C19 removes any spikes from the regulator for a smoother output. Howard (1998) Mixer/Preamplifier When a combination of two or more audio signals is expected in a single output, simply connecting the inputs will result to the degradation of system efficiency and poor overall performance due to impedance mismatches of different signal sources and the amplifier input. Furthermore, the differing signal amplitudes of the sources, too, presents another problem since direct connection may result to higher-amplitude inputs obliterating the weaker inputs, and even worse, damage the sources. By isolating inputs and providing independently variable gains at each of these inputs, an audio mixer eliminates both dilemmas aforementioned, allowing input signals to be blend in the desired ratio. (Gibilisco, 2002) Shown below is a sample circuit of a simple transistor-based two-channel mixer/preamplifier. Figure 3. Transistor-based Two-channel Mixer/Preamplifier I n this project, two signals, one from a microphone (J1) and another from a line input (J2) are to be mixed. Potentiometers (R1 and R4) were utilized as volume controls for each channel, adjusting the amount of signal passing from the inputs, from a maximum of the entire signal (Rmicin = R1||R3||RQ1in = 10k||10k||2.3k = 1.58kohm, Rlinein = R4||RQ1in = 10k||2.3k

International criminal organization Research Paper

International criminal organization - Research Paper Example The intelligence report further reveals that the top leaders of the criminal gang met at Los Angeles where they made the deliberations on changing tact to camouflage and disguise them against identification. There are all indications that the same information is intended to reach other states where the unlawful sect has been committing a series of criminal activities. It would be therefore challenging on the authorities to rely on the traditional tattoos on their bodies as a prognosis for the group. The gangs’ possible number will be therefore difficult to estimate since further recruitment is ongoing in disguise. The successful change of tact by the group is responsible for the increment of the criminal reports in the last quarter of the year since the groups identification has been a challenge-the authorities always depend on their tattooed bodies for the identification (Books LLC, 2010). Growth The criminal gang has extended their operation in the major states and they are no longer restricted in their original state of Los Angeles. We have ascertained that the gang has significance presence in other states like Texas, North Carolina, Maryland, Virginia, Montgomery, and San Francisco among others (Logan, 2009). Their identification has been mistaken for other groups following successful change of their operation schemes and other recognizable features formerly exclusively associated with the group. The group is also identified to gain exponential growth among the youths who are jobless. Through the intelligence report, neighboring countries have also joined the group and are encroaching into the country to commit crimes this includes Canada and Mexico. It is very difficult to identify the members of the group as at now and our intelligence are working extra hard to have leading information that will help distinguish the group. Reports have also revealed that a group that was constituted by only about one thousand street operators has grown internation al with accumulative number of more than five hundred thousand individuals. Our reports indicate that the group’s presence is felt in Mexico, Canada, and significantly in parts of Central America. We have also unraveled the fact that the operation of the group in transitional between the countries through the porous borders making the gang unpredictable n terms of geographical location. Reliable information indicates that Washington DC is one of their next locations to invade. The security agencies should in this regard keep stringent vigil to avert the establishment of the group in the region. Activities in the Offing Because of the stringent security measure that has been aimed at eradicating the group on their known criminal activities, we have realized that they are in elaborate plan to devise new criminal activities away from what they are traditionally known for. A part from their usual activities of money laundering, drug trafficking, murder kidnapping, and human traff icking, the group has also mutated to engage in other criminal activities such as arms trafficking, extortion, larceny, and pandering (Logan, 2009). It has come to our notice that the gang is putting a spirited effort to cushion themselves against facing the law. Reasonable number of illegal fire arms are also circulating within the group and reliable sources

Equations of Motion Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words - 1

Equations of Motion - Essay Example For any vibration to occur, a restoring force must be in existence. In this respect, a restoring force is identified in a pendulum. The restoring force is applied by the springs as long as Hooke’s law is observed. The restoring force, therefore, is proportional to the extension (e) with the constant (K) as the spring constant. That is force is equal to the extension times the spring constant (f=k e). The number of oscillations per unit time is equal to the frequency. Frequency is measured in units referred to as hertz (Hz). The motion of a simple pendulum is one of the phenomena that can be used to approximate the simple harmonic motion. The motion is sinusoidal and is a demonstration of resonant frequency that is single (Dunwoody, H. 2000). A pendulum is a simple set up in which a string is attached to a small bob. The string is clamped, and when it is displaced, it swings in a to and fro motion. The time that would be taken to complete one oscillation is referred to as perio dic time (T). The periodic time depends on the length of the pendulum and the acceleration due to gravity (g). That is T=2?v (l/g) Where l is the length of the pendulum whereas g is the acceleration due to gravity (g). When a body is vibrating, its potential energy is converted to kinetic energy (Dunwoody, H. 2000). ... This paper explores an experiment of simple harmonic motion by studying a pendulum (Grant, R., 2005). The hypothesis of this experiment is that increasing the length of the pendulum shall increase the periodic time (T) of a simple pendulum. Method Apparatus The instruments and apparatus that were used in this experiment included the simple pendulum, stop watch, meter rule, and protractor. Procedure. The simple pendulum was set up. The setup was made up of three regions. The centre was the pendulum. The length of the pendulum was chosen for the pendulum by using the slider on the left side of the screen. This value was recorded in the data table. The amplitude was raised to about 20 degrees. This value was equally recorded in the data table. The start animation button was clicked, and when the pendulum passed its lowest point, the timer was started. The time taken for the pendulum to complete 10 cycles was taken, and the timer stopped as the pendulum passed through the lowest point on ce again. This time was recorded in the data table. The mass of bob and the amplitude were kept constant. The length of the pendulum was varied and the period of oscillation determined for certain pendulum length. A series of the values for the period were determined through a number of trials. The length of the pendulum was varied so as to determine whether the period of oscillation depends on the length of the pendulum cord. About four trials were done using the same amplitude but changing the pendulum lengths. The results obtained were used to plot a graph of period versus the length and graph of period against the square root of the length. Results. Table 1: A table showing the data collected. Trial Length (m) L2 (m2) Time for 10 oscillations (s) S2

Baroque Art Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Baroque Art - Essay Example Whereas it is sometimes the case that a sculpture or is also skilled with the use of oil and canvas, this was especially true with regards to Geon Lorenzo Bernini. Tying in with the discussion and analysis of the means by which many of the Baroque artists were sponsored and promoted by the Catholic Church, Bernini is an especially good example of this. Rising rapidly among the ranks of the many artists of the time, Bernini soon attracted the attention of the papacy who commissioned him to perform several works of art. Blown away by his skill and prowess, both on canvas and with marble, Bernini became something of an artist of court for several successive popes. With such a notion in mind, it is easier to analyze the implied meaning and means by which bring me the expressed strong overt and subliminal religious tones within â€Å"The Ecstasy of St. Theresa† (Wilkin 31). Many scholars have considered this particular sculpture to be the beginning of high Roman Baroque art. In eff ect, even the casual observer can note the means by which the sculpture approach rates how the divine is interacting with the earthly via a theatrical mechanism. This in truth and into the affairs of men create something of a sensual, some even say orgasmic, juxtaposition of both the divine and human. However, rather than understanding the sculpture in too much of a temporal mindset, it was doubtless Bernini’s intention to express the pure joy and bliss that mankind could achieve when in communion with the divine. Although thematic elements between Bernini and Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio, represented within his artwork entitled â€Å"The Crucifixion of St. Peter†, are quite disparate, the reality of the matter is that the ideas represented and discussed are both highly spiritual in nature. At first glance, the reader can note the fact that a painstakingly detailed and imaginative oil painting of the crucifixion of St. Peter is displayed. Beyond the fact that St. Peter is obviously the only face within the portrait that can be seen, beyond the fact that St. Peter’s body, although supposedly aged at the time it is crucifixion, is unbelievably toned muscular, the viewer is also illustrated with the subliminal understanding that the weight of this crucifixion, both physical and mental, ways most heavily upon the perpetrators. As can be noted from an examination of the painting, it requires three strong young men to carry the body of an agent St. Peter to his final crucifixion (Marcussen 75). Each and every one of them are weighed down event under the heft of both

Philosophy ethical theory Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Philosophy ethical theory - Essay Example But recently, there has been a renewal of the interest in virtue ethics to the point where today it is one of the main ways that are employed in dealing with substantive philosophical ethics. This new interest has been generated from the dissatisfaction with the manner in which moral philosophy has been done in the contemporary time and particularly recently. This is because the contemporary and modern philosophy has insisted on moral responsibility and moral law while it ignored the sources of morality in the inner life and the character of the individual (Crisp & Slote, 1997). As is the case in many other areas in philosophy, precise definitions are hard to arrive at but the main contrast comes in the forms of ethics that are based on moral laws, rules and principles. In the case of virtue ethics, the focus is mainly on individual that is supposed to have these virtues and the inner traits that the individual possesses, their dispositions and motive that make the person eligible to be virtuous. Philosophers in the contemporary world perceive moral life as a matter of connecting properly to moral rules as opposed to the traditional virtue ethics where the understanding of moral or ethical life generally needs requires the understanding of what it is to be a virtuous person, or what it entails to have a particular virtue. This is considered to be an inner trait or a disposition that is associated with the individual (Crisp & Slote, 1997). There is a widespread conviction that is associated with virtue ethics that it does dictate what to do. In some instances, this conviction is seen only in the expressed theory that virtue ethics in being agent-centered rather than art-centered is more direct at â€Å"being† rather â€Å"doing†, with good and bad character rather than right and wrong action. Taking this supposition, virtue ethics doesn’t therefore come out as a normative opponent of practical and deontological morals. In

WEEK 2 PERCPTION KEYS Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

WEEK 2 PERCPTION KEYS - Assignment Example Impressionist majorly used asymmetrical balance in their paintings. This majorly helped them capture a good judgment on immediacy. They made their paintings in such a manner that one item visually balanced another item perfectly (Martin& Jacobus, 2011). Symmetry has been effectively used in Edouard Manet’s painting, ‘A Bar at the Folies-Bergere. It features in few images in the painting. For example, the woman at the counter. The effect puts the lady and her job as the major aim of the painting as other objects have not been clearly brought out. Asymmetry has been effectively used in Pierre-Auguste Renoir’s painting, ‘Luncheon of the Boating Party’. He focuses more on the people at the table but still visibly shows that the boat had a number of people. The aim of the painter might have been to show what was served on tables apart from people just being in a party mood. If I was to purchase one of the paintings, I would choose Claude Monet’s Impression Sunrise. This is because of the tranquil feeling it has to the observer. The choice of color is perfect enough to create a tranquil feeling or rather a feeling of tenderness. The painting is so simple but speaks volumes. Arguments that might support the views of critics that emphasize that documentary photographers have made interesting social documents compared to works of art are that the photos majorly footage people in their usual circumstances. They are devoted to presenting the way of life of the deprived or needy people. In addition to that, documentary photography is capable of motivating and enabling people to view the humankind and what happens around us. The photos keep one informed of a lot. On the other hand, documentary photographers also have made interesting artwork compared to social documents. Documentary photography as an artwork has been criticized by many. Some have apprehended upon the emotionless and substance aspects of the

Classroom management Plan II Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Classroom management Plan II - Essay Example This process would allow an individual to confront their inner realities as well as their outer manifestations of actions or behaviors. Both strengths and weaknesses will be identified. As a result it would be easier for you to put strategies in place to improve your weak areas. An immediate response to this analysis should be to make a list of all the tasks that are to be completed. Itemize the important tasks, the urgent tasks and the routine tasks. Prioritize these responsibilities, generate a daily to do list and set a time limit for completion. An effective method for managing one’s time is to set realistic goals. As a student, one can quickly become overwhelmed by the heavy workload. It is necessary then to set sensible goals for what you would like to achieve within a specific day, week and month. Hence, if you are given seven assignments to complete for the same day, it would be impractical to set a goal of researching the seven assignments by the day after the assignments were given. Instead of researching all at once, a more pragmatic goal would be to complete the research of one assignment at a time. The time of completion would have to be staggered in order to ensure quality work is produced. Therefore setting a goal of completing one assignment 3 days before due date and another 2 days before would be a more realistic and sensible goal. Remember to reward yourself for achieving your goals. This third strategy is a direct link to the previous two in that after the analysis and the goals are set the next step is to formulate a schedule for achieving these goals. Hence, each goal should have its particular time period for fulfillment. A schedule allows you to view the various task at a glance and aids you in maintaining the time period you have allocated. A specific time period should be assigned each day to accomplish a certain task. Thus, for the previous example of the seven assignments, a good practice would be to

The ABCs of Aphorisms in Kindergarten Essay Example for Free

The ABCs of Aphorisms in Kindergarten Essay An aphorism is a short statement expressing a truth or clever observation. Benjamin Franklin and Robert Fulghum both used aphorisms in things they have written. Ben Franklins Poor Richards Almanac uses aphorisms in a more literal way. However, Robert Fulghum uses his aphorisms in a more metaphorical way. Although the two are different, both writers have the same type of ideas on how to morally live your life. Living a balanced life is an aphorism used by Franklin and Fulghum. Although used in different context and in a slightly different way, they mean the same thing no matter who uses it. In Fulghums aphorism he says, Live a balanced life. Learn some and think some and paint and draw and sing and dance and play and work everyday some. Being simpler in his words yet not in his meaning makes this an interesting aphorism. Also being a little more direct and straight to the point are Franklins words, Eat to live and not live to eat. In spite of the fact that Franklins definition may seem simpler, they are in fact saying the same thing only wording it differently. Both aphorisms mean that one must balance themselves and that you must do everything in moderation and never to excess. Taking a slightly different approach, both men got there message across in an clear and precise manner. A metaphor can be described as a figure of speech in which an expression is used to refer to something that it does not literally denote in order to suggest a similarity. On the contrary, a literary term is one that can be described as very clear and one that expresses emphasis on a topic. Robert Fulghum being a more metaphorical writer, wrote his aphorisms in such a way that they seemed almost too simple to have a deeper meaning. However, that was quite the opposite. The aphorisms were meant to be that way; they were supposed to have a deeper meaning that wasnt available to someone looking at the surface writing. While, in great contrast, Benjamin Franklin wrote his aphorisms with such literal depth that it shone right through his work. Every aphorism of his has a meaning inside of a meaning. Neither of these styles were better, nor worse then the other, yet they both were productive ways of using aphorisms. Using both methods of credible writing, these two terrific men and writers are inspirational and influential in their examples of aphorisms. I personally, prefer Robert Fulghums style of writing to, Benjamin Franklins. I like looking into a statement and pulling it apart to find out what it is truly saying, and Fulghums writing exemplifies that quality in his aphorisms. I respect both styles of aphorism usage, and I think that both, literally and metaphorically, are equally interesting and are helpful incites to our lives. Aphorisms are a much more appealing way to learn about how one views their life and how they view everyone elses life as well.

Jim and His Father Essay Example for Free

Jim and His Father Essay How would you describe Jim’s self-concept? I noticed that Jim has a negative image about himself. Jim believes that his father has a unrealistic expectation of him. 2) How is self-concept affecting the interaction? Is it helping it? Hindering it? Explain using concepts from the text. Jim having a negative self-concept is really bothering him. While his dad is telling him he isn’t trying hard enough he actually thinks that no matter how hard he does study he still wont do well. 3) Using the process of human perception starting on page 64. Explain the situation from your perspective as a student. Selection-â€Å"We attend to certain stimuli based on a number of factors† (Wood, 2012, p.65). â€Å"We notice things that stand-out, because they are larger, more intense, or more unusual than other phenomena† (Wood, 2012, p.65). When I read this and see the video I see that Jim’s father isn’t seeing that Jim is actually trying hard to get good grade, he is just having some hard time..Organization-â€Å"Once we have selected what to notice, we have to make sense of it† (Wood, 2012, p.66). â€Å"Prototypes, personal constructs, stereotypes, and scripts are cognitive schemata that we use to organize our perceptions of people and phenomena† (Wood, 2012, p.66). I seen in the video that Jim knows that he is actually going to need to study a lot harder and more to bring his grade up to make his dad happy. Interpretation-â€Å"Is the subjective process of explaining our perceptions in ways that makes sense to us† (Wood, 2012, p.70). Attribution â€Å"is an explanation of why something happened or why someone acts a certain way† (heider, 1958; Kelley, 1967; Manusov Spitzberg, 2008). I think that Jims father is being hard on Jim because his dad paid for college on his own and it was not hard for him to get good grades. Attributional error-â€Å"Researchers have identified a common error that people make in their attributions† (Wood, 2012, p.71). â€Å"Self-serving bias this is a bias toward ourselves and our interests we tend to avoid taking responsibility for negative actions and failures by attributing them to external, unstable, and specific factors that are beyond personal control† (Wood, 2012, p.71). The  best example I seen in the movie is when Jim states that no matter how hard he does study he will still get bad grades because of how hard his classes actually are. 4) Using the guidelines for improving perception and communication starting on page 79 of the text, provide at least two tips for both Jim and his father on how to handle the situation in an effective way. Make sure to incorporate the text guidelines with proper in-text citations to support your points. Jim’s father 1) Distinguish between facts and interferences-â€Å"A fact is based on observation. An interference involves an interpretation that goes beyond the facts† (Wood, 2012, p. 81). Jims dad assumed that because jim is not making good grades , instead he is goofing off with his friends more. I think instead of yelling at him for goofing off he should ask what he can do to help. 2) Guard against the self-serving bias-â€Å"Because the self-serving bias can distort perceptions, we need to monitor it carefully† (Wood, 2012, p.82). I think that Jims dad needs to stop yelling at him because he is not as good as he is when he was in school. Jim 1) Guard against the fundamental attribution error-â€Å"This occurs when we over estimate the internal causes of others undesirable behavior and underestimate the external causes, and when we underestimate the internal causes of our own failings or bad behaviors and overestimate the external causes† (Wood, 2012, p.82). With Jim’s dad underestimating him it causes Jim to underestimate what he can do. Jim feels like he will never be able to make his dad proud of him. 2) Avoid mind reading-â€Å"Mind reading assuming we understand what another person thinks, feels, or perceives† (Wood, 2012, p.82). Jim knows that his dad is constantly on him about his grades. So when he calls home he knows that his grades are going to come up during the conversation.

Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity

Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity Abstract: This study examined how changing the perception of social distance changed the way in which subjects interacted in the Trust Game specifically looking into the social preferences they displayed. A discussion of both economic and sociological research demonstrates the inherent variability of social identity and social distance and the interconnected nature these concepts have with social preferences. A two-stage experiment involving subjects of different nationalities and genders was carried out with a different identity focus in each stage. Findings show that subjects exhibit greater social preferences when interacting with those of a similar focused identity yet the degrees of these preferences displayed vary in accordance to the identity focus. Results suggest that social distance, although easily manipulated, is a powerful force in interactions. The results are consistent with previous studies into group membership, identity, nationality, gender and social preferences. Given this studys far-reaching implications it should be viewed as the premise for future study of this topic. Introduction The concept of social distance as elucidated by Akerlof (1997) is profoundly linked with social identity and social preferences. It is the differences in individuals social identities, including for example, race, gender, class and status, that determine the benefits of interaction and to what extent of social preferences are displayed. Yet when individuals are not entirely familiar with each other, the perception of social identities is based on very few observations and is therefore not entirely accurate. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine whether or not variations in the perception of social identity, and thus social distance, will affect the extent to which social preferences are manifested. Studies on the effect of identity are in no way new. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) studied its relevance and magnitude with regards to gender discrimination in the workplace, poverty and social exclusion, and the household division of labour. Akerlof (1997) also studied the effect of social distance, asserting that the social identity of individuals can substantially affect their interactions. What has not been tested, however, is to what extent identity is merely a perception. Individuals can and do possess multiple identities varying in dominance from situation to situation. The hypothesis of this paper is that social preferences are relevant in experimental games, but these are dependent on how each player perceives the others social identity, a perception that is inherently variable. Players react with varying degrees of self-interest according to the identity they perceive, even when identical character profiles are involved. Recent economic studies fail to sufficiently incorporate current sociological thinking as to the nature of social identity and although this study will give evidence for the relevance of social distance in determining degrees of social preferences, it will attempt to shed light on individuals inconsistent perception of the distance between them. In order to add weight to this position, an experiment was organised in which participants of various profiles were invited to play the Trust Game. Each game was played face-to-face with no verbal communication. The experiment was divided into two stages, a nationality focused stage and a gender focused stage. Each participant played the game twice and never with the same opposing player. Before each game, participants were assigned to certain rooms in which video clips were played depending on the identity focused on. In the first stage, participants were split into three rooms, one for each nationality present: Scottish, English and Chinese. After one play of the Trust Game, the experiment commenced its second stage and participants were split into two rooms, one for each gender, and again asked to play the game. The results show that there is significant variation in the degrees of social preferences displayed depending on the identity being focused on hereafter referred to as the focused identity. When nationality was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing nationalities, regardless of gender. When gender was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing gender, regardless, to some extent, of nationality. This lack of consistency shows that the perception of social distance is not a constant through both stages and yet it is still proves to be a determining factor in how players interact. The following content of this paper is arranged into four sections. Section 2 will address the relevant literature with regards to social preferences and identity, showing their relevance, interconnected nature and inherent variability, discussing the application of various theories in the context of this study. Section 3 will describe the design and implementation of the experiment used in this study with the results, analysis and comparisons to similar studies presented in Section 4. An interpretation of these results and further conclusions will be offered in Section 5. Theories of Preferences and Identity To clearly understand the argument presented, a holistic discussion of current theories must be embarked upon. The relevance of social preferences and the forms of their analysis through experimental games will be examined in this section to create the context in which this study is placed. The concepts of identity and how they shape perceptions and interactions will then be considered before discussing their relationship with social preferences. Social Preferences The assumption that man is motivated by self-interest is one that has dominated economic theory and is indeed fundamental to the very ideology of the vast majority of economists. As Adam Smith (1910:13) suggests, It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. Inherent in this analogy is the implication that self-interest is the primary motivator in our economic interactions, and it is through this impulse that equilibria are formed. In Game Theory, the Nash Equilibrium is obtained by each player assuming the other possesses purely selfish motives. This assumption, however, is not always consistent with reality. Many factors influence an individuals decisions and it is evident that the maximisation of material gain is not always a dominating motivation. Some of the factors influencing an individuals decisions can relate to social status, group membership, inequity aversion, reciprocity, s pite, envy, altruism and identity. These factors form a preference set, referred to in this study as social preferences. Although the theory of self-interest has been ingrained in traditional economics, modern economists have increasingly questioned this supposition. In fact the traditional authors of this theory were also wary of its realism. Even though Edgeworth (1881:16) writes that the first principle of Economics is that every agent is actuated only by self-interest, he concedes that Man is, in reality, for the most part an impure egoist, a mixed utilitarian, (Edgeworth 1881:104). It is evident that we are influenced by unselfish motives in our interactions with others and it follows that these interactions will in many circumstances involve material profit and loss. This is the realm of social preferences. Amartya Sen (1977:336), in his seminal paper on the irrationality of traditional preference theory states that the purely economic man is indeed close to being a social moron. He argues that theories that do not encompass the influence of sympathy and our commitment to it are incomplete. It is the result of this basic emotion that our social norms, laws and codes of conduct are formed and without which no society would be feasible (Johansen 1977). In various studies into social preferences, it is seen that they are comprised of multiple aspects. Reciprocity, inequity aversion, altruism and trust are all basic components of this preference set (Andreoni et al. 2002). When kindness or animosity is shown, the impulse exists to reciprocate in like manner. When inequity exists, the urge exists to rebel against it. Altruism is the virtue that depends on no form of expected gain or reciprocity, the purest form of good will. Trust is the confidence in the future actions of another and is arguably the most variable of the social preferences and one that will be revisited in this study. Each of these attributes are far from abstract philosophical concepts, exert great influence on our economic interactions. Agell and Lundberg (1995) discovered that as a result of workers being influenced by fairness and equity customs, wage cuts were often unprofitable, with workers objecting to an unfair action. This can have a direct impact on the extent that a company vertically integrates, with out-sourcing often being far more viable given the reciprocal attitude of workers. Bewley (1999) also noted that a firms policy can affect worker morale and as such companies must take into account the perceived fairness of their policies. The extent of tax evasion has also been correlated to how fair it is perceived, and in fact the entire structure of tax systems are thoroughly debated and altered according to the principles of equity and merit (Seidl and Traub 2002). The perception of unreciprocated generosity has been one of the causes of the general reduction in support from the US w elfare state. People are disinclined to support welfare structures that give the impression that they are helping a poor segment of society that refuse to help themselves, content to live off the goodwill of others (Bowles and Gintis 2000). Fukuyama (1995) also correlates economic prosperity with higher levels of trust, suggesting that social preferences are a very powerful force even in the current global economic system. Sequential games Although the examples given are wide-ranging in scope, involving relatively large economic issues, social preferences have also been proven to have a significant effect on individual interactions. Previously experimental games have been used to prove the dominating forces of self-interest, the equilibria of these experiments being calculated by assuming that all agents were exclusively self-interested (Fehr and Schmict, 2001). Recently, economists have carried out several experiments involving non-cooperative games that contradict this presumption. Guth, Schmittberger and Schwarze (1982) were among the first to create a game that did just this. It is called the Ultimatum Game. There are two players in the game, one a Proposer and one a Responder. The Proposer must divide an amount of money X between the two players, offering the Responder any amount Y = X. If Responder accepts, the Proposer receives the remaining money X – Y, if they reject, both receive nothing. Under self-interested preferences, the efficient equilibrium is the one in which the Proposer gives the least amount possible to the Responder, who will accept any amount. In reality however, offers of less than a fifth of X are rejected about half time and Proposers anticipating this generally offer around 30 to 50 percent of X (Hoffman et al. 1996). This result clearly shows that factors other than self-interest are at play. It would be reasonable to assume that altruism and reciprocity both play a part in the decision-making process of both players. The Proposer may be influenced by a code of morals and a concept of fairness to offer more than the standard equilibrium distribution. The P roposer must also take into account the Responders sense of reciprocity and animosity towards a seemingly unfair distribution. Although the Responder is under no monetary incentive to reject a low offer, yet his social preferences mean that he is able to achieve some utility by spiting the Proposer, thereby valuing a certain amount of reciprocity over monetary value. Given the fact that the Proposers actions may be driven only by the fear of reciprocity and no sense of altruism, it is worthwhile to look into the Dictators Game first introduced by Kahneman et al. (1986) and refined by Forsythe et al. (1994). In this game, the Responder, now called the Recipient, is not given the option to accept or refuse the amount given by the Proposer. If the Proposer is motivated by self-interested alone, they will offer nothing to the Recipient but as many experiments have shown, this is not always the case. Henrich et al. (2001) find that in most dictator game experiments there is a primary mode offer of zero percent of the Proposers total wealth and a secondary mode offer of 50 percent. Some groups show a primary mode offer of 20 percent and a secondary mode of 50 percent providing strong evidence of inequity aversion. In addition to supporting the notion that man is not exclusively self-interested, studies also confirm that fear of reciprocity is present i n the Ultimatum Game and that Proposers apply backwards induction with average offers being lower in the Dictator Game (Roth et al. 1991). The Trust Game, developed by Berg et al. (1995) is a game that can be used to test the presence of altruism, inequity aversion, reciprocity and its namesake, trust. The game is played with an Investor and a Trustee, with the former being given an initial endowment of X and the latter given nothing. The Investor is then able to give any amount Y between 0 and X. The amount the Trustee receives will be tripled, amounting to 3Y. The Trustee is then given the option to give any amount Z between 0 and 3Y back to the Investor thereby making the payoffs of the Investor and the Trustee X – Y + Z and 3Y – Z respectively. The Trustee is under no monetary incentive to return any amount and as such, under strictly self-interested preferences the Investor will predict this and give the Trustee nothing but, as with the Ultimatum and Dictator Games, studies show that many players of the Trust Game deviate from this equilibrium. Berg et al. (1995) find that almost all Investors give so me amount of money to the Trustee and that a substantial number of Trustees return at least the same amount and that a third even returned more than they received. The amount returned also increases with the amount given thus supporting the theory that reciprocity is an integral part of many preference sets. Investors and Trustees are able to display inequity aversion by choosing to give or return amounts that will equalise final payoffs. Trustees can also display altruism by returning anything over and above the amount needed to equalise payoffs. It is interesting to note that there is substantial variation in the amounts given, with no clear average amount entrusted. The variation is not unsurprising, however, given the inherent inconsistency in levels of trust that individuals demonstrate in their interactions with various individuals. In society, trust placed in an individual is dependent on who that individual is or, in other terms, trust placed is dependent on the perceived id entity of the individual in question. Identity Identity, at its most fundamental level, is at the base of all human interaction. For an individual to interact with another, the individual must have a clear concept of both himself and of the other. It is in the consideration of these two concepts that decisions are made. Descartes (1912:167) famously stated †¦I think, therefore I am, and in doing so sparked off the philosophical debate on what truly directs our thoughts and actions. Hume (1888) further develops this by exploring our perception of ourselves, our identity. It was his belief that we can only perceive ourselves, and build our identity, by categorisation in the light of selected characteristics and never perceive our true reality in objective terms. It is out-with the bounds of this study to discuss in depth the sociological and psychological complexities of this topic, yet it is worth-while bringing to light some key concepts to further the understanding of the interactions between this studys participants. An identity is a tool of recognition. It allows us to recognise individuals, categories, groups and types of individuals, Wiley (1994:130). More than this, it is also a tool of categorisation and emotional cues. It implies a conscious awareness by members of a group, some positive or negative emotional feelings towards the characteristics which members of a group perceive themselves as sharing and in which they perceive themselves as differing from others, Mennell (1994:177). Goffman (1968) further expounds these aspects of recognition by dividing identity into three sections: the personal identity, the ego identity and the social identity. The personal identity is the unique identification that each individual possesses to differentiate themselves technically, legally and realistically from all others. The ego identity is a purely subjective observation that is built from a multitude of social experiences and is a sense of ones own particular state and nature. The social identity pr ovides a way of categorising people and connects each person with a set of attributes and characteristics thought to be in keeping with the members of their respective categories. Individuals that possess commonalities in the form of thought, action, nature, experience or lifestyle can all be grouped into various social identities. Examples of social identities are nationality, gender, music-taste, age, profession and political views. It is important to stress that while individuals may only hold one personal and ego identity, they are able to juggle multiple social identities which have varying degrees of focus from situation to situation. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) put forward the theorem that our perception of our ego identity can have a significant influence on our decisions and actions. Their theorem sheds light on a number of seemingly irrational choices. Actions that are of apparent detriment to an individual can be viewed as a form of behaviour that it used to create a more unique self identity. Similarly, steps may be taken to symbolise the assumption of a particular identity or the membership of a certain group, be they conscious or otherwise. Men do not generally wear dresses, and as such this behavioural code is unconsciously subscribed to by the majority of men. Any behaviour to the contrary poses a challenge not merely to the social norm, but to the identity of manhood itself. Attempts to manipulate an individuals decisions can be based on the notion of identity. In order to influence people to buy their products, companies create advertisements that often show a stylised form of a particular identity that people may aspire to. Finally, as identity can play such a large role in determining our economic decisions and behaviour, and assuming that individuals can choose their own identity, Akerlof and Kranton (2000) conclude that identity choices can be a major factor in a persons overall economic well-being, a conclusion strengthened by the theory of role-identities. It is difficult to determine to what extent our identity is prescriptive or descriptive in relation to our own actions, but nevertheless the dual concepts of identity and role are deeply interconnected. Lyman and Scott (1970:136) clarify this link by stating that roles are identities mobilised in a specific situation; whereas role is always situationally specific, identities are trans-situational. By assuming an identity, we also assume a role. Despite that the fact that this role varies from situation to situation, it is at all times consistent with the assumed identity. It is from this notion that expectations and metaperspectives are formed. Laing et al. (1966) pioneered the belief that it is not I but you that is important. More specifically they claimed that we are all deeply influenced by considering our view of others view of ourselves and in such a way develop a role-performance that conforms to the expectation others have of our behaviour so as to receive positive feedback o r avoid negative feedback. In order to assess these expectations and act accordingly, we must first judge what these expectations are. With strangers, this is problematic, and as such we orient ourselves toward them in terms only of the ill-specified contours of their social roles, (McCall and Simmons, 1978:70). In this respect, we are only able to form rough estimations of a persons true identity and thereby rely on our perception of how they fit into vague boundaries of social identities. When we perceive people this way, our perception of the attributes they possess as ascribed by their social identity is often completely arbitrary when viewed in the context of an objective character analysis. The perception and reality can at times be poles apart, decreasing in accuracy with increasing social distance. Identities and Social Preferences Akerlof (1997) defined social distance as a measure of social proximity between individuals. The model he created summarises that people gain benefits from interacting to those socially closer to themselves, with these benefits decreasing with isolation. This model is supported by empirical evidence that suggests that trust and reciprocity are linked with social connection and that members of the same nationality and race exhibit greater degrees of these attributes towards one another (Glaeser et al. 1999). A common method of analysing social distance is through the construction of groups in experiments and many studies of this kind have provided quite significant results. Studying the effects of group membership on cooperation, Orbell et al. (1988) find that subjects are far more likely to cooperate with in-group members than out-group members, with 79% of participants showing cooperation with the former and only 30% showing cooperation with the latter. Through using a variation on the dictator game, Frey and Bohnet (1997) also showed how group membership affects social preferences. The experiment observed that in-group members were allocated far more of the total endowment than out-group members suggesting some correlation with membership and altruism and inequity aversion. An important finding of the literature on the topic of group membership is that subjects react to membership in a very subjective manner, disregarding objective considerations. Billing and Tajfel (1973) observe that the even most minimal connections within a group still give rise to in-group positive discrimination. Although subjects realised that the basis of group composition wa s entirely random, they still discriminated toward their fellow members in a very significant way. The fact that the weakest bonds are able to create positive in-group interaction is an important consideration when examining the relation between perceptions of social identity and expressions of social preferences. While group membership is a powerful force, transnational studies have shown that the cooperation inducing group mentality is not a universally consistent attribute. Buchan, Croson and Johnson (1999) find that subjects from the U.S. are more trusting when paired with in-group members but that this is not the case for subjects from China and Japan, who are more trusting in general, regardless of whom they were paired with. Buchan and Croson (1999) also find variations across genders observing that although participants trust men and women equally, women are seen to reciprocate more than men in Trust Games and are more generous in Dictator Games, findings that are consistent internationally. Another consistency that was found across nationalities in this study was the effect that communication between players had on trust and reciprocation levels, a conclusion also mirrored in other experiments. Roth (1995) found that even simple, seemingly irrelevant conversations significantly increa sed the levels of these social preferences. Regardless of variations across nationality, gender and communication levels, it is apparent that there is a clear connection between identity and social preferences. As we categorise individuals into social categories, we not only presume they possess certain qualities and attributes but we also predict how they react. In the same way we use metaperspectives to shape our own actions based on vague notions of the social identities of others, we also use these imperfect images to form inherently imperfect expectations of future interactions. The perception and reality can at times be irreconcilable and yet any initial interaction uses this as its basis. McCall and Simmons (1978) put forward the idea that any interaction that takes place is solely based on images that are constructed in the minds of those interacting. Taking into account the inaccuracy of these constructs when strangers interact, we can see how this translates into the laymans term of prejudice, a concept closely linke d with trust. The concept of trust, as mentioned earlier is based on confidence and at the heart of confidence is a deep reliance on predictions and expectations which are in turn based on the rough identities that we perceive others to possess. This results in great variance in trust levels which, although proven in studies referred to above, is readily seen in everyday life. Trust can be unquestioned with interactions with family members and friends but displayed with lesser and lesser extents to strangers and those who we perceive as untrustworthy. Just as signalling is used in the employment markets, so it is in our trust-dependant interactions. One may ask a well-dressed, polite and friendly stranger to watch over some personal belongings in a library but may be loath to leave anything unattended when in the presence of hooded youth. The hood can be seen as a signal that the wearer is dangerous and cannot be trusted. It is perceived as the expression of an identity, the perception of which ca n influence our attitudes and behaviour. The studies above also show that identity can greatly affect reciprocity, inequity aversion and altruism. Experiments based around group membership, however minimal, show the great influence groups have on these social preferences. One explanation of this is the concept of metaperspectives, in that individuals are more generous in experimental games because they believe that their counterpart expects them to be. Akerlofs (1997:1008) model of social distance also sheds some light on this by theorising that individuals benefit from lesser amounts of social distance between them and thus have the incentive to conform to expectations, what he labels The Conformist Model. A reduction of social distance between players can also be achieved by perceived acts of kindness and so experimental game players may be willing to sacrifice monetary gains so as to achieve social gains with another player. This incentive however, is again based on social distance and those players who feel socially far apart may feel no need to become socially closer, a feeling that is ultimately merely based on their perception of the current social distance and social identities. Two significant ways in which individuals identify themselves and others is by their nationality and gender. At the outset of mankinds evolution, gender has been a universal divider of the human race, preceding all other identities. Rooted in our biology, gender is the simplest form of classification, but its implications are far more wide-reaching than simple physiology. To the opposite sex, gender implies certain generalised roles, attitudes, commitments, experiences and lifestyles. The source of such clear social stereotypes is only in part biological and many academics are of the belief that behavioural and psychological differences are created and perpetuated by unbalanced power and privilege structures in society (Flax 1990). The amplification of social distance is caused by the notion that qualities are gender specific, with masculinity and femininity being attributes in themselves, and the fact that men and women are commonly associated with their relative positions in both f amily life and work life. Lockheed (1985) supposes that women are conceived as compliant followers and men dominant leaders only because of the common minority and majority balance that is common in social and work situations. The large disparity between the social identity and actual realities of members of the opposite sex provides a good opportunity to explore to what extent interaction is based on unqualified perceptions and to map the effect of variations in this perception. Unlike gender identities, nationalism is a relatively new force in the world (Smith 1995). It can be seen as a group identity that has transcended some cultures, as seen in the ethnically diverse nations such as India and Russia, but divided others as seen in the cases of North and South Korea and the Taiwanese and Chinese separation and is manifested in positive discrimination towards fellow nationals and negative discrimination towards foreigners (Macesich, 1985). Breton (1964:378) notes that governments utilise nationalistic instruments†¦ for the purpose of increasing the share of assets in a given assets in a given territory owned by the nationals of that territory. Breton (1964) also observes that nationalistic redistribution of investment and capital results in a lower rate of return than would be realised if resources were allocated efficiently, an observation that draws parallels with the nature of social preferences on a much larger scale. The practice of promoting thes e nationalistic policies that are not beneficial to certain population segments is centred on the formation of a nation-wide group identity that promotes solidarity in the same way that smaller scale groups do. The membership of these nation-groups is defined according to several commonalities. Members share an economy, a historic territory, myths and memories, a public culture, and a set of legal rights (Smith 1991). What is clear from this definition is the lack of consistent personal characteristics, illustrating that members of a nation-group vary considerably in their social and personal identities. The minimal nature of the nation-group is accepted by many academics, some seeing nationalism as an ironic tool that encourages members to appreciate things that are national for the mere fact that it is national (Breton 1964). Karl Deutsch (1969:3) aptly described a nation as a group of people united by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbours, evoking the notion that national identity is a predominately social construct inaccurately perceived to be connected to common characteristics, descent and preferences. (Smith 1996) stresses that the perception of ones own nationality and that of others is inherently only emotional, implying a subjective disregard for objective considerations that results in large social distances between foreigners and nationals, and smaller social distances between nationals. However erroneous, the very substantial influence nationality exerts can be seen through the stereotypical actions of distrusting of foreigners and supporting fellow country-men, making nationality another excellent candidate identity to examine how variations in perceived identity cause variations in the social preferences displayed. Experimental Design and Implementation It is social identity and its inherently variable quality that is at the heart of this study. It is this studys aim to discover in what way the perception of this identity can affect the extent that social preferences are displayed and whether or not a shift of focus from one form of social identity to another will cause a change in degree of social preferences manifested. Given its ability to expose these preferences, an extension of the Trust Game is used Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity Abstract: This study examined how changing the perception of social distance changed the way in which subjects interacted in the Trust Game specifically looking into the social preferences they displayed. A discussion of both economic and sociological research demonstrates the inherent variability of social identity and social distance and the interconnected nature these concepts have with social preferences. A two-stage experiment involving subjects of different nationalities and genders was carried out with a different identity focus in each stage. Findings show that subjects exhibit greater social preferences when interacting with those of a similar focused identity yet the degrees of these preferences displayed vary in accordance to the identity focus. Results suggest that social distance, although easily manipulated, is a powerful force in interactions. The results are consistent with previous studies into group membership, identity, nationality, gender and social preferences. Given this studys far-reaching implications it should be viewed as the premise for future study of this topic. Introduction The concept of social distance as elucidated by Akerlof (1997) is profoundly linked with social identity and social preferences. It is the differences in individuals social identities, including for example, race, gender, class and status, that determine the benefits of interaction and to what extent of social preferences are displayed. Yet when individuals are not entirely familiar with each other, the perception of social identities is based on very few observations and is therefore not entirely accurate. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine whether or not variations in the perception of social identity, and thus social distance, will affect the extent to which social preferences are manifested. Studies on the effect of identity are in no way new. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) studied its relevance and magnitude with regards to gender discrimination in the workplace, poverty and social exclusion, and the household division of labour. Akerlof (1997) also studied the effect of social distance, asserting that the social identity of individuals can substantially affect their interactions. What has not been tested, however, is to what extent identity is merely a perception. Individuals can and do possess multiple identities varying in dominance from situation to situation. The hypothesis of this paper is that social preferences are relevant in experimental games, but these are dependent on how each player perceives the others social identity, a perception that is inherently variable. Players react with varying degrees of self-interest according to the identity they perceive, even when identical character profiles are involved. Recent economic studies fail to sufficiently incorporate current sociological thinking as to the nature of social identity and although this study will give evidence for the relevance of social distance in determining degrees of social preferences, it will attempt to shed light on individuals inconsistent perception of the distance between them. In order to add weight to this position, an experiment was organised in which participants of various profiles were invited to play the Trust Game. Each game was played face-to-face with no verbal communication. The experiment was divided into two stages, a nationality focused stage and a gender focused stage. Each participant played the game twice and never with the same opposing player. Before each game, participants were assigned to certain rooms in which video clips were played depending on the identity focused on. In the first stage, participants were split into three rooms, one for each nationality present: Scottish, English and Chinese. After one play of the Trust Game, the experiment commenced its second stage and participants were split into two rooms, one for each gender, and again asked to play the game. The results show that there is significant variation in the degrees of social preferences displayed depending on the identity being focused on hereafter referred to as the focused identity. When nationality was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing nationalities, regardless of gender. When gender was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing gender, regardless, to some extent, of nationality. This lack of consistency shows that the perception of social distance is not a constant through both stages and yet it is still proves to be a determining factor in how players interact. The following content of this paper is arranged into four sections. Section 2 will address the relevant literature with regards to social preferences and identity, showing their relevance, interconnected nature and inherent variability, discussing the application of various theories in the context of this study. Section 3 will describe the design and implementation of the experiment used in this study with the results, analysis and comparisons to similar studies presented in Section 4. An interpretation of these results and further conclusions will be offered in Section 5. Theories of Preferences and Identity To clearly understand the argument presented, a holistic discussion of current theories must be embarked upon. The relevance of social preferences and the forms of their analysis through experimental games will be examined in this section to create the context in which this study is placed. The concepts of identity and how they shape perceptions and interactions will then be considered before discussing their relationship with social preferences. Social Preferences The assumption that man is motivated by self-interest is one that has dominated economic theory and is indeed fundamental to the very ideology of the vast majority of economists. As Adam Smith (1910:13) suggests, It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. Inherent in this analogy is the implication that self-interest is the primary motivator in our economic interactions, and it is through this impulse that equilibria are formed. In Game Theory, the Nash Equilibrium is obtained by each player assuming the other possesses purely selfish motives. This assumption, however, is not always consistent with reality. Many factors influence an individuals decisions and it is evident that the maximisation of material gain is not always a dominating motivation. Some of the factors influencing an individuals decisions can relate to social status, group membership, inequity aversion, reciprocity, s pite, envy, altruism and identity. These factors form a preference set, referred to in this study as social preferences. Although the theory of self-interest has been ingrained in traditional economics, modern economists have increasingly questioned this supposition. In fact the traditional authors of this theory were also wary of its realism. Even though Edgeworth (1881:16) writes that the first principle of Economics is that every agent is actuated only by self-interest, he concedes that Man is, in reality, for the most part an impure egoist, a mixed utilitarian, (Edgeworth 1881:104). It is evident that we are influenced by unselfish motives in our interactions with others and it follows that these interactions will in many circumstances involve material profit and loss. This is the realm of social preferences. Amartya Sen (1977:336), in his seminal paper on the irrationality of traditional preference theory states that the purely economic man is indeed close to being a social moron. He argues that theories that do not encompass the influence of sympathy and our commitment to it are incomplete. It is the result of this basic emotion that our social norms, laws and codes of conduct are formed and without which no society would be feasible (Johansen 1977). In various studies into social preferences, it is seen that they are comprised of multiple aspects. Reciprocity, inequity aversion, altruism and trust are all basic components of this preference set (Andreoni et al. 2002). When kindness or animosity is shown, the impulse exists to reciprocate in like manner. When inequity exists, the urge exists to rebel against it. Altruism is the virtue that depends on no form of expected gain or reciprocity, the purest form of good will. Trust is the confidence in the future actions of another and is arguably the most variable of the social preferences and one that will be revisited in this study. Each of these attributes are far from abstract philosophical concepts, exert great influence on our economic interactions. Agell and Lundberg (1995) discovered that as a result of workers being influenced by fairness and equity customs, wage cuts were often unprofitable, with workers objecting to an unfair action. This can have a direct impact on the extent that a company vertically integrates, with out-sourcing often being far more viable given the reciprocal attitude of workers. Bewley (1999) also noted that a firms policy can affect worker morale and as such companies must take into account the perceived fairness of their policies. The extent of tax evasion has also been correlated to how fair it is perceived, and in fact the entire structure of tax systems are thoroughly debated and altered according to the principles of equity and merit (Seidl and Traub 2002). The perception of unreciprocated generosity has been one of the causes of the general reduction in support from the US w elfare state. People are disinclined to support welfare structures that give the impression that they are helping a poor segment of society that refuse to help themselves, content to live off the goodwill of others (Bowles and Gintis 2000). Fukuyama (1995) also correlates economic prosperity with higher levels of trust, suggesting that social preferences are a very powerful force even in the current global economic system. Sequential games Although the examples given are wide-ranging in scope, involving relatively large economic issues, social preferences have also been proven to have a significant effect on individual interactions. Previously experimental games have been used to prove the dominating forces of self-interest, the equilibria of these experiments being calculated by assuming that all agents were exclusively self-interested (Fehr and Schmict, 2001). Recently, economists have carried out several experiments involving non-cooperative games that contradict this presumption. Guth, Schmittberger and Schwarze (1982) were among the first to create a game that did just this. It is called the Ultimatum Game. There are two players in the game, one a Proposer and one a Responder. The Proposer must divide an amount of money X between the two players, offering the Responder any amount Y = X. If Responder accepts, the Proposer receives the remaining money X – Y, if they reject, both receive nothing. Under self-interested preferences, the efficient equilibrium is the one in which the Proposer gives the least amount possible to the Responder, who will accept any amount. In reality however, offers of less than a fifth of X are rejected about half time and Proposers anticipating this generally offer around 30 to 50 percent of X (Hoffman et al. 1996). This result clearly shows that factors other than self-interest are at play. It would be reasonable to assume that altruism and reciprocity both play a part in the decision-making process of both players. The Proposer may be influenced by a code of morals and a concept of fairness to offer more than the standard equilibrium distribution. The P roposer must also take into account the Responders sense of reciprocity and animosity towards a seemingly unfair distribution. Although the Responder is under no monetary incentive to reject a low offer, yet his social preferences mean that he is able to achieve some utility by spiting the Proposer, thereby valuing a certain amount of reciprocity over monetary value. Given the fact that the Proposers actions may be driven only by the fear of reciprocity and no sense of altruism, it is worthwhile to look into the Dictators Game first introduced by Kahneman et al. (1986) and refined by Forsythe et al. (1994). In this game, the Responder, now called the Recipient, is not given the option to accept or refuse the amount given by the Proposer. If the Proposer is motivated by self-interested alone, they will offer nothing to the Recipient but as many experiments have shown, this is not always the case. Henrich et al. (2001) find that in most dictator game experiments there is a primary mode offer of zero percent of the Proposers total wealth and a secondary mode offer of 50 percent. Some groups show a primary mode offer of 20 percent and a secondary mode of 50 percent providing strong evidence of inequity aversion. In addition to supporting the notion that man is not exclusively self-interested, studies also confirm that fear of reciprocity is present i n the Ultimatum Game and that Proposers apply backwards induction with average offers being lower in the Dictator Game (Roth et al. 1991). The Trust Game, developed by Berg et al. (1995) is a game that can be used to test the presence of altruism, inequity aversion, reciprocity and its namesake, trust. The game is played with an Investor and a Trustee, with the former being given an initial endowment of X and the latter given nothing. The Investor is then able to give any amount Y between 0 and X. The amount the Trustee receives will be tripled, amounting to 3Y. The Trustee is then given the option to give any amount Z between 0 and 3Y back to the Investor thereby making the payoffs of the Investor and the Trustee X – Y + Z and 3Y – Z respectively. The Trustee is under no monetary incentive to return any amount and as such, under strictly self-interested preferences the Investor will predict this and give the Trustee nothing but, as with the Ultimatum and Dictator Games, studies show that many players of the Trust Game deviate from this equilibrium. Berg et al. (1995) find that almost all Investors give so me amount of money to the Trustee and that a substantial number of Trustees return at least the same amount and that a third even returned more than they received. The amount returned also increases with the amount given thus supporting the theory that reciprocity is an integral part of many preference sets. Investors and Trustees are able to display inequity aversion by choosing to give or return amounts that will equalise final payoffs. Trustees can also display altruism by returning anything over and above the amount needed to equalise payoffs. It is interesting to note that there is substantial variation in the amounts given, with no clear average amount entrusted. The variation is not unsurprising, however, given the inherent inconsistency in levels of trust that individuals demonstrate in their interactions with various individuals. In society, trust placed in an individual is dependent on who that individual is or, in other terms, trust placed is dependent on the perceived id entity of the individual in question. Identity Identity, at its most fundamental level, is at the base of all human interaction. For an individual to interact with another, the individual must have a clear concept of both himself and of the other. It is in the consideration of these two concepts that decisions are made. Descartes (1912:167) famously stated †¦I think, therefore I am, and in doing so sparked off the philosophical debate on what truly directs our thoughts and actions. Hume (1888) further develops this by exploring our perception of ourselves, our identity. It was his belief that we can only perceive ourselves, and build our identity, by categorisation in the light of selected characteristics and never perceive our true reality in objective terms. It is out-with the bounds of this study to discuss in depth the sociological and psychological complexities of this topic, yet it is worth-while bringing to light some key concepts to further the understanding of the interactions between this studys participants. An identity is a tool of recognition. It allows us to recognise individuals, categories, groups and types of individuals, Wiley (1994:130). More than this, it is also a tool of categorisation and emotional cues. It implies a conscious awareness by members of a group, some positive or negative emotional feelings towards the characteristics which members of a group perceive themselves as sharing and in which they perceive themselves as differing from others, Mennell (1994:177). Goffman (1968) further expounds these aspects of recognition by dividing identity into three sections: the personal identity, the ego identity and the social identity. The personal identity is the unique identification that each individual possesses to differentiate themselves technically, legally and realistically from all others. The ego identity is a purely subjective observation that is built from a multitude of social experiences and is a sense of ones own particular state and nature. The social identity pr ovides a way of categorising people and connects each person with a set of attributes and characteristics thought to be in keeping with the members of their respective categories. Individuals that possess commonalities in the form of thought, action, nature, experience or lifestyle can all be grouped into various social identities. Examples of social identities are nationality, gender, music-taste, age, profession and political views. It is important to stress that while individuals may only hold one personal and ego identity, they are able to juggle multiple social identities which have varying degrees of focus from situation to situation. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) put forward the theorem that our perception of our ego identity can have a significant influence on our decisions and actions. Their theorem sheds light on a number of seemingly irrational choices. Actions that are of apparent detriment to an individual can be viewed as a form of behaviour that it used to create a more unique self identity. Similarly, steps may be taken to symbolise the assumption of a particular identity or the membership of a certain group, be they conscious or otherwise. Men do not generally wear dresses, and as such this behavioural code is unconsciously subscribed to by the majority of men. Any behaviour to the contrary poses a challenge not merely to the social norm, but to the identity of manhood itself. Attempts to manipulate an individuals decisions can be based on the notion of identity. In order to influence people to buy their products, companies create advertisements that often show a stylised form of a particular identity that people may aspire to. Finally, as identity can play such a large role in determining our economic decisions and behaviour, and assuming that individuals can choose their own identity, Akerlof and Kranton (2000) conclude that identity choices can be a major factor in a persons overall economic well-being, a conclusion strengthened by the theory of role-identities. It is difficult to determine to what extent our identity is prescriptive or descriptive in relation to our own actions, but nevertheless the dual concepts of identity and role are deeply interconnected. Lyman and Scott (1970:136) clarify this link by stating that roles are identities mobilised in a specific situation; whereas role is always situationally specific, identities are trans-situational. By assuming an identity, we also assume a role. Despite that the fact that this role varies from situation to situation, it is at all times consistent with the assumed identity. It is from this notion that expectations and metaperspectives are formed. Laing et al. (1966) pioneered the belief that it is not I but you that is important. More specifically they claimed that we are all deeply influenced by considering our view of others view of ourselves and in such a way develop a role-performance that conforms to the expectation others have of our behaviour so as to receive positive feedback o r avoid negative feedback. In order to assess these expectations and act accordingly, we must first judge what these expectations are. With strangers, this is problematic, and as such we orient ourselves toward them in terms only of the ill-specified contours of their social roles, (McCall and Simmons, 1978:70). In this respect, we are only able to form rough estimations of a persons true identity and thereby rely on our perception of how they fit into vague boundaries of social identities. When we perceive people this way, our perception of the attributes they possess as ascribed by their social identity is often completely arbitrary when viewed in the context of an objective character analysis. The perception and reality can at times be poles apart, decreasing in accuracy with increasing social distance. Identities and Social Preferences Akerlof (1997) defined social distance as a measure of social proximity between individuals. The model he created summarises that people gain benefits from interacting to those socially closer to themselves, with these benefits decreasing with isolation. This model is supported by empirical evidence that suggests that trust and reciprocity are linked with social connection and that members of the same nationality and race exhibit greater degrees of these attributes towards one another (Glaeser et al. 1999). A common method of analysing social distance is through the construction of groups in experiments and many studies of this kind have provided quite significant results. Studying the effects of group membership on cooperation, Orbell et al. (1988) find that subjects are far more likely to cooperate with in-group members than out-group members, with 79% of participants showing cooperation with the former and only 30% showing cooperation with the latter. Through using a variation on the dictator game, Frey and Bohnet (1997) also showed how group membership affects social preferences. The experiment observed that in-group members were allocated far more of the total endowment than out-group members suggesting some correlation with membership and altruism and inequity aversion. An important finding of the literature on the topic of group membership is that subjects react to membership in a very subjective manner, disregarding objective considerations. Billing and Tajfel (1973) observe that the even most minimal connections within a group still give rise to in-group positive discrimination. Although subjects realised that the basis of group composition wa s entirely random, they still discriminated toward their fellow members in a very significant way. The fact that the weakest bonds are able to create positive in-group interaction is an important consideration when examining the relation between perceptions of social identity and expressions of social preferences. While group membership is a powerful force, transnational studies have shown that the cooperation inducing group mentality is not a universally consistent attribute. Buchan, Croson and Johnson (1999) find that subjects from the U.S. are more trusting when paired with in-group members but that this is not the case for subjects from China and Japan, who are more trusting in general, regardless of whom they were paired with. Buchan and Croson (1999) also find variations across genders observing that although participants trust men and women equally, women are seen to reciprocate more than men in Trust Games and are more generous in Dictator Games, findings that are consistent internationally. Another consistency that was found across nationalities in this study was the effect that communication between players had on trust and reciprocation levels, a conclusion also mirrored in other experiments. Roth (1995) found that even simple, seemingly irrelevant conversations significantly increa sed the levels of these social preferences. Regardless of variations across nationality, gender and communication levels, it is apparent that there is a clear connection between identity and social preferences. As we categorise individuals into social categories, we not only presume they possess certain qualities and attributes but we also predict how they react. In the same way we use metaperspectives to shape our own actions based on vague notions of the social identities of others, we also use these imperfect images to form inherently imperfect expectations of future interactions. The perception and reality can at times be irreconcilable and yet any initial interaction uses this as its basis. McCall and Simmons (1978) put forward the idea that any interaction that takes place is solely based on images that are constructed in the minds of those interacting. Taking into account the inaccuracy of these constructs when strangers interact, we can see how this translates into the laymans term of prejudice, a concept closely linke d with trust. The concept of trust, as mentioned earlier is based on confidence and at the heart of confidence is a deep reliance on predictions and expectations which are in turn based on the rough identities that we perceive others to possess. This results in great variance in trust levels which, although proven in studies referred to above, is readily seen in everyday life. Trust can be unquestioned with interactions with family members and friends but displayed with lesser and lesser extents to strangers and those who we perceive as untrustworthy. Just as signalling is used in the employment markets, so it is in our trust-dependant interactions. One may ask a well-dressed, polite and friendly stranger to watch over some personal belongings in a library but may be loath to leave anything unattended when in the presence of hooded youth. The hood can be seen as a signal that the wearer is dangerous and cannot be trusted. It is perceived as the expression of an identity, the perception of which ca n influence our attitudes and behaviour. The studies above also show that identity can greatly affect reciprocity, inequity aversion and altruism. Experiments based around group membership, however minimal, show the great influence groups have on these social preferences. One explanation of this is the concept of metaperspectives, in that individuals are more generous in experimental games because they believe that their counterpart expects them to be. Akerlofs (1997:1008) model of social distance also sheds some light on this by theorising that individuals benefit from lesser amounts of social distance between them and thus have the incentive to conform to expectations, what he labels The Conformist Model. A reduction of social distance between players can also be achieved by perceived acts of kindness and so experimental game players may be willing to sacrifice monetary gains so as to achieve social gains with another player. This incentive however, is again based on social distance and those players who feel socially far apart may feel no need to become socially closer, a feeling that is ultimately merely based on their perception of the current social distance and social identities. Two significant ways in which individuals identify themselves and others is by their nationality and gender. At the outset of mankinds evolution, gender has been a universal divider of the human race, preceding all other identities. Rooted in our biology, gender is the simplest form of classification, but its implications are far more wide-reaching than simple physiology. To the opposite sex, gender implies certain generalised roles, attitudes, commitments, experiences and lifestyles. The source of such clear social stereotypes is only in part biological and many academics are of the belief that behavioural and psychological differences are created and perpetuated by unbalanced power and privilege structures in society (Flax 1990). The amplification of social distance is caused by the notion that qualities are gender specific, with masculinity and femininity being attributes in themselves, and the fact that men and women are commonly associated with their relative positions in both f amily life and work life. Lockheed (1985) supposes that women are conceived as compliant followers and men dominant leaders only because of the common minority and majority balance that is common in social and work situations. The large disparity between the social identity and actual realities of members of the opposite sex provides a good opportunity to explore to what extent interaction is based on unqualified perceptions and to map the effect of variations in this perception. Unlike gender identities, nationalism is a relatively new force in the world (Smith 1995). It can be seen as a group identity that has transcended some cultures, as seen in the ethnically diverse nations such as India and Russia, but divided others as seen in the cases of North and South Korea and the Taiwanese and Chinese separation and is manifested in positive discrimination towards fellow nationals and negative discrimination towards foreigners (Macesich, 1985). Breton (1964:378) notes that governments utilise nationalistic instruments†¦ for the purpose of increasing the share of assets in a given assets in a given territory owned by the nationals of that territory. Breton (1964) also observes that nationalistic redistribution of investment and capital results in a lower rate of return than would be realised if resources were allocated efficiently, an observation that draws parallels with the nature of social preferences on a much larger scale. The practice of promoting thes e nationalistic policies that are not beneficial to certain population segments is centred on the formation of a nation-wide group identity that promotes solidarity in the same way that smaller scale groups do. The membership of these nation-groups is defined according to several commonalities. Members share an economy, a historic territory, myths and memories, a public culture, and a set of legal rights (Smith 1991). What is clear from this definition is the lack of consistent personal characteristics, illustrating that members of a nation-group vary considerably in their social and personal identities. The minimal nature of the nation-group is accepted by many academics, some seeing nationalism as an ironic tool that encourages members to appreciate things that are national for the mere fact that it is national (Breton 1964). Karl Deutsch (1969:3) aptly described a nation as a group of people united by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbours, evoking the notion that national identity is a predominately social construct inaccurately perceived to be connected to common characteristics, descent and preferences. (Smith 1996) stresses that the perception of ones own nationality and that of others is inherently only emotional, implying a subjective disregard for objective considerations that results in large social distances between foreigners and nationals, and smaller social distances between nationals. However erroneous, the very substantial influence nationality exerts can be seen through the stereotypical actions of distrusting of foreigners and supporting fellow country-men, making nationality another excellent candidate identity to examine how variations in perceived identity cause variations in the social preferences displayed. Experimental Design and Implementation It is social identity and its inherently variable quality that is at the heart of this study. It is this studys aim to discover in what way the perception of this identity can affect the extent that social preferences are displayed and whether or not a shift of focus from one form of social identity to another will cause a change in degree of social preferences manifested. Given its ability to expose these preferences, an extension of the Trust Game is used